The Aims of Education (Routledge International Studies in the Philosophy of Education)

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Dewey argued that:. It is these forces, gradually crystallizing, which have determined governments and given them all the specific determinate character which they now possess.

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Take away the forces which are behind governments — which have made them what they are, and the existence and character of these governments is an accident, likely to be changed at any moment. Admit these forces, and, since they determine the government, they are sovereign. EW4: 80 9. Laski was working at the New Republic when Dewey was one of its regular contributors.


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MW And Dewey played, at the very least, an indirect part in this transformation, shaping the pluralism that directed the study of IR towards ways of thinking about the facts of international interdependence, and about how to manage it better than the juridical sovereign state concept had made possible. Along with the pluralism that impacted and influenced interwar IR came a will to mitigate the effects of anarchy and reform international relations, placing the study of international organization at the center of what IR does. These phenomena required careful, dedicated study.

Additionally, their marginalization would not only narrow what was seen in the world as worthy of empirical investigation, but it would put a brake on normative inquiry almost altogether. Remember, the challenge of pluralism was an empirical as well as a normative challenge to the prevailing theory of the state. A state becomes, in short, the judge of its own cause, and it is elementary that that is a denial of justice.

Laski As I indicated in the introduction, this was not only due to the ontological implications of the anarchy problematique.

Routledge International Studies in the Philosophy of Education

The winter was made harsher by methodological preoccupations of molding IR into a proper science. IR scholarship during the interwar years was not without aims to science, but these aims were not as yet backed by the full-blown positivism that was to develop after IR experienced its behavioral revolution in the mids. Attention was thrown back onto sovereign states and their rational will as unitary actors to seek power and calculate interest in terms of power. The Hobbes-Austinian theory of the state that Dewey had criticised was back with a vengeance.

Positivism hit IR as behaviorism in the way it did across the social sciences in the midth century. The behavioralists looked for eternal laws of international politics left uninvestigated within the classical foundations of realism. While the neoliberal critique continued to flourish, growing out of work on transnationalism, complex interdependence and later regime theory, it was only a mild ontological tweaking of the anarchy problematique; it held that states remained the most significant actors and that power and politics should continue to be the focus of attention in IR, but stressed that a realm of cooperation in the rules, norms, principles and institutions of international politics existed.

Indeed, neoliberal critics applauded structural realism for having put the discipline as a whole on a secure scientific footing, which is a powerful reason why this contemporary expression of pluralism was so out of touch with the interwar pluralists, and did not acknowledge its connection to ideas like those of Dewey.


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  • First, some got busy generating the empirical data, either to substantiate the generalizable, structural theory of international competition set in motion by Waltz, or to round out that theory, examining how structural competition within anarchy impacted cooperation demonstrated in the system.

    Second, some desperately sought ways of thinking outside of the prevailing and powerful status quo, often by getting back to political theory and philosophy. Post-positivism has since gained a foothold, and new methodological avenues are being explored, as are the subjects fit for examination within the discipline. It is in this context that pragmatism is gaining significance for contemporary IR.

    Where a survey of the early period of IR yields little mention of American pragmatism, such a survey today produces rather different results. The majority of interventions on pragmatic themes, and the ones that resonate most in the discipline today, are those that aim to shed new light on the epistemological and methodological debates in which IR has been caught up since the s.

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    What they value in pragmatism is its recognition that knowledge generation is a social, discursive activity, and that the aim of pragmatist inquiry is to produce useful knowledge. And they are not alone.

    Others invoke Peirce and abduction as a research methodology with benefits for IR Rytovuori-Apunen: ; Finnemore 13; Ruggie a: 94 , however, Friedrichs, Kratochwil and Rytovuori-Apunen are the first to have provided a thorough engagement with what abduction represents methodologically; that is, the pragmatist philosophy that animates it. Sil and Katzenstein acknowledge that their appropriations may seem crude to those who know the philosophy of pragmatism well, but that the dialogue needs to get started, and once it has, what remains awkward in its appropriations from pragmatism and their implications for IR can be worked out along the way Pragmatism experienced a revival beginning in the s in the form of the neo-pragmatisms of Richard Bernstein, Richard Rorty, and Hilary Putnam.

    This is significant, but so too is the constructivist turn in IR that is often credited for the blossoming of pragmatism in the field Kratochwil ; Widmaier Thus, the causal powers attributed to the structure of the international system are not given, as assumed by neo-realists and neo-liberals, but instead, are shaped by the way anarchy is constructed in the social practices that exist between states; the way anarchy constrains is down to how anarchy is construed by state actors within the system. From this beginning, the reconnection with political theory, philosophy and social theory in American IR begins anew.

    As Wendt writes, the effects of anarchy could be something quite apart from what the anarchy problematique suggests; and manifest as Hobbesian, Lockean or even Kantian cultures However, I would argue that these are unnecessarily conservative estimations of the benefit pragmatism can bring to the discipline.

    I agree with Rupra Sil, who writes. There is diversity apparent within constructivism. First, there are those who would be labelled along with Wendt and Ruggie as the mainstream within constructivism and who are interested in causation, albeit of a different, more ideational, kind from what positivists in IR had previously realised.

    However, what it has not gone on to do is the analysis of social values attached to social interaction. For all the interest constructivists have shown in identifying and examining the international norms that impact the social behaviors of states, and more recently the behaviors of a range of other kinds of actors too - intergovernmental and non-governmental actors — the positivist bias of the discipline that has bifurcated empirical from normative lines of inquiry has not been broken, not even within constructivism.

    And this is another area in which constructivism, and IR more generally, needs pragmatism too.

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    Where normative and empirical forms of political inquiry had come to be viewed in American IR as separate and markedly different enterprises, with the latter emerging as overwhelmingly dominant, there was no similar decoupling in British IR. Those associated with the English school, recognizing the mark scientific theories were making upon the discipline, laboured to demonstrate the paucity of empirical work pursued independently of thought about standards for evaluating international political action.

    Bull The English school did not eschew ethical judgement altogether, but it often allowed its historical analysis of the actually-existing pattern of international order to dominate its views on the reasonableness of different ethical choices, particularly between the intersocietal values of order and justice and often prioritized order in the context of the Cold War. The critique that emerged of the School from normative IR was for its presumption of the good of the society of states because of the order it creates Frost Normative IR challenged the School to defend what normative value there is in international society and to think about an alternative organizing concept for the study of IR: what if we put justice rather than order at the centre of our inquiries into world affairs.

    The difficulty is that the English school lacked a method for doing this kind of inquiry, and constructivists have the same problem today. How is change to be directed? What is the moral or social value of norms, and what is lost, what is gained in the course of change? English school and constructivist scholars who are genuinely interested in such questions will have to study norms in the context of their normativity; that is, the processes of valuation that go on in the practices of international society.

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