The report warns that because of the reduction in personnel, the US and its local allies were unable to closely monitor the al-Hol internally displaced persons camp, a situation that has allowed "ISIS ideology to spread 'uncontested' in the camp," potentially allowing ISIS to replenish its ranks among the tens of thousands of inhabitants. The number of US troops has decreased substantially, however Pentagon officials have not provided official statistics on how many remain in the country.
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Trump has said that a small residual US force will remain in Syria for an indefinite period of time to help ensure ISIS remains defeated. And let them handle their own problems.
Surging violence, sectarian fears haunt Iraq
Syria can handle their own problems -- along with Iran, along with Russia, along with Iraq, along with Turkey. We're 7, miles away," Trump said last month. Pentagon officials have expressed concerns in recent days that a potential Turkish military incursion targeting America's Kurdish allies in northeast Syria could undermine the fight against ISIS. The networks binding activists together, especially through the internet, are still much stronger and have much greater impact than before Seattle.
And the whole history of radical movements in the US is of sudden upsurges that bring disconnected activists together with a momentum that takes everyone by surprise.
Europe seemed superficially calm in the final months of and the first months of this year. The leaders of Rifondazione met some opposition when they expelled Franco Turigliatto for voting against the presence of Italian troops in Afghanistan.
For three months the movement was on the front pages of national newspapers in Greece, and the government was only able to survive because the trade union bureaucracy refused to spread the movement among workers. The wave of struggles that characterises Europe is not going to go away.
These struggles are systemic in the sense that they flow from resistance to the pressure on European capitalism to take away from the mass of people concessions made in the past, but they are not constant. That means the ruling class can retreat when it faces sudden strong resistance as with the EU constitution or the CPE law , only to resume the offensive later or on different fronts. The political tempo is correspondingly slower, even if many of the same features are present.
Another factor has been very important in the cases of France, Italy and Spain.go
At Street Level, Unmet Goals of Troop Buildup
Closer to home, the behaviour of the leaders of the Republican movement in Ireland has followed a similar trajectory, as Kieran Allen and Goretti Horgan show in their articles in this journal. Revolutionary socialists cannot prevent such things happening simply by standing on the sidelines issuing vitriolic denunciations of leaders who may make false moves at a later stage. Movements draw their lifeblood from the influx of new activists with no prior political experience.
Such people are likely, initially, to put their faith in such political leaders, and revolutionaries cannot counter that by standing aside from the movements. Immobilism cannot win over people who are desperate for change. But neither can revolutionaries simply hide their own views, remaining silent on issues over which they disagree with others.
In France the problem has been the mirror image of this. Important sections of the left opted for immobilism out of fear of political absorption by other forces.
At Street Level, Unmet Goals of Troop Buildup - The New York Times
Two years ago about , people were active in one way or another in the No campaign against the EU constitution. Out of this a network emerged involving some 20, or 30, activists who wanted to put forward a united anti-neoliberal left candidate in the presidential elections, in opposition to the main parties and to the fascist Le Pen. The issue was whether the organised revolutionary left would be able to relate to and influence this network.
It also had the effect of allowing many independent activists and even some in the LCR minority to fall into the autonomist trap of equating the manipulatory politics of the Communists and the revolutionary politics of the LCR. Most readers will know the outcome of the first round of the elections by the time this journal reaches you. But we cannot help feeling an important opportunity has been lost.
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The issues raised by recent political developments in Italy and France are not new ones.